中潤證券 網誌 Blog

客亦友、友亦客,客客友友何其多

選項

又是一次「危」中「機」會

又是一次「危」中「機」會    by            Carmen Wong, BA.Fin, HKU       
               2008-7-31

      近期股市氣氛很差,本地投資者普遍對港股變得較為悲觀,事實上,中國對於金融危機是有強勁抵禦能力的。中國外向型製造業火速發展���動整體經濟,儘管中國已面臨人民幣升值和勞動力缺乏所帶來的成本上升問題,中國仍然有足夠競爭力在未來保持世界工廠的地位,既然中國的經濟發展依然在國際間名列前茅,內裡就沒有金融危機發生的空間。

      內地金融機構在風險防範技術層面確實與頂級跨國金融機構有差距,但外匯管制、行政色彩依然很強的金融、銀行、證券監管卻令內地可以在境外發生金融危機時較有效率地將危機封堵於國門之外,為中國金融安全提供保證。

      持貨不多的投資者可考累將���上資金分成數份,分段購入優質股,作長線投資,以97年股災及03年「沙士」為例,大部份優質股都能在下一個經濟循環時收復失地,甚至升至比大跌前更高,只有少數劣質股還未升回以前之價位。所以是次大跌,正好讓投資者有機會以低價購入優質股作長線投資。投資者亦應時刻檢討自己手上股票,沽出劣質股,換入優質股,待大市回升時,賺取更高的回報。

      現時港股市盈率已回落,為何股民往往於股市高位時喊入市,在低位時慌忙逃呢?需知道股市的必勝法門是高沽低入,但要做到這一點往往需要強大的心理受力,始終與大多數人持有不同意見是一件不容易的事,只要能夠除心理障礙,放眼於價值投資,中長線而言,這次股市下跌又是一次「危」中「機」會。

Crude Oil Price Analysis

Crude Oil Price Analysis
                       -------around 2010 with the onset of long-term shortage
 
by Carmen Wong (B.Fin HKU)


Introduction

Oil is one of the most important resources in our world. Crude oil price fluctuation could bring a lot of economic instability. In this report, the history of oil price and the data of rig count will be shown and discussed. With improving technology, how does it advance oil industry? Since there is resource constrain, can discovery really driven by higher oil price? What is the future of crude oil price?
 
Oil Price Outlook


The oil price rose from $2.50 in 1948 to about $3.10 in 1957. However, this apparent price increases were just keeping up with inflation. From 1958 to 1970 prices were stable at about $3.00 per barrel, but when we consider with inflation, the real price of crude oil declined actually. The decline in the price of crude when adjusted for inflation was further exacerbated in 1971 and 1972 by the weakness of the US dollar.
In 1972 the price of crude oil was about $3.40 and by the end of 1974 the price of oil had climb up to $12.00. The Yom Kippur War started with an attack on Israel by Syria and Egypt on October 5, 1973. The United States and many countries in the western world showed strong support for Israel. As a result of this support, Arab exporting nations imposed an embargo on the nations supporting Israel. Arab nations curtailed production by 5 million barrels per day (MMBPD) about 1 MMBPD was made up by increased production on other countries. The net loss of 4 MMBPD extended through March of 1974 and represented 7 percent of the free-world production. The extreme sensitivity of prices to supply shortages became all too apparent. Prices increased 400 percent in six short months.
 
From 1974 to 1978 crude oil prices increased at a moderate pace from $12 per barrel to $14 per barrel. When adjusted for inflation the prices were constant over this period of time.
 
Events in Iran and Iraq led to another round of crude oil price increases in 1979 and 1980. The Iranian revolution resulted in the loss of 2 to 2.5 million barrels of oil per day between November of 1978 and June of 1979. In 1980 Iraq's crude oil production fell 2.7 MMBPD and Iran's production by 600,000 barrels per day during the Iran/Iraq War. The combination of these two events resulted in crude oil prices more than doubling from $14 in 1978 to $35 per barrel in 1981.
 
From 1982 to 1985 OPEC attempted to set production quotas low enough to stabilize prices. These attempts met with repeated failure as various members of OPEC would produce beyond their quotas. During most of this period Saudi Arabia acted as the swing producer cutting its production to stem the free falling prices. In August of 1985, the Saudis tired of this roll. They linked their oil prices to the spot market for crude and by early 1986 increased production from 2 MMBPD to 5 MMBPD. Crude oil prices plummeted below $10 per barrel by mid year.
 
A December 1986 OPEC price accord set to target $18 per barrel was already breaking down by January of 1987. Prices remained weak. The price of crude oil spiked in 1990 with the uncertainty associated Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and the ensuing Gulf War, but following the war crude oil prices entered a steady decline until 1994.
 
The price cycle then turned up. With a strong economy in the United States and a booming economy in Asia increased demand led a steady price recovery well into 1997. This came to a rapid end when OPEC underestimated the impact of the financial crisis in Asia. In December, OPEC increased its quotas 10 percent to 27.5 MMBPD but the rapid growth in Asian economies had come to a halt. Crude oil price dropped to about $11 in 1999. Then, with the recovery in Asia and the decreased in oil quotas by OPEC, price bounced to over $28per barrel. In July2001, the price was about $26.
 
Rig Count
Rotary rigs running

 
The Rotary Rig Count is the average number of drilling rigs actively exploring for oil and gas. It indicates the health of the oil industry. Since drilling an oil well is a capital investment in the expectation of returns from the crude oil production, it is also a measure of how much confidence the oil industry has in the future.
 
At the end of the Arab Oil Embargo in 1974 rig count was below 1500. It rose steadily with regulated crude oil prices to over 2000 in 1979. From 1978 to the beginning of 1981 domestic crude oil prices exploded from a combination of the rapid growth in world energy prices and deregulation of domestic prices. Forecasts of crude oil prices in excess of $100 per barrel fueled a drilling frenzy. By 1982 the number of rotary rigs running had more than doubled.

It is important to noted that there was one year time lag between crude prices and rig count of drilling but it is now reduces to a matter of months after the steep decline of crude prices in 1986. Like any other industry that goes through hard times, the oil business emerged smarter and learner. Companies long familiar with accessing geologic risk added price risk to their decision making.
 
Rig count is only a good measure of oil exploration activity, but not success. However, the percentage of wells completed as oil or gas wells (completion rate) is often used as a measure of success.
 
In 1948, immediately after World War II, 65 percent of the wells drilled were completed as oil or gas wells. This percentage declined to about 57 percent by the end of the 1960s. It rose steadily during the 1970s to reach 70 percent at the end of the decade. This was followed by a modest decline through most of the 1980s. Beginning in 1990 shortly after the harsh lessons of the price collapse completion rates increased dramatically to 77 percent.
 
The steady drop of the completion rates in the 50s and 60s and the increases of the 70s were more related to price. When a well is drilled, the fact that oil or gas is found does not mean that the well will be completed as a producing well. The determining factor is economics. If the well can produce enough oil or gas to cover the cost of completion and the ongoing production costs it will be put into production. Otherwise, it's a dry hole even if crude oil or natural gas is found. The conclusion is that if real prices are increasing we can expect a higher percentage of successful wells. Conversely if prices are declining the opposite is true.
 
The increases of the 1990s, however, cannot be explained by higher prices. These increases are clearly the result of improved technology. The increased use of and improvements to 3-D seismic data and analysis combined with horizontal and directional drilling. Most dramatic is the improvement in the percentage exploratory wells completed. In the 1990s completion rates have soared from 25 to 45 percent.
 
Workover Rigs
Workover rig count is a measure of the industry's investment in the maintenance of oil and gas wells. It is another measure of the health of the oil and gas industry. Most workovers are associated with oil wells. Workover rigs are used to pull tubing for repair or replacement of rods, pumps and tubular goods which are subject to wear and corrosion.
It is quite worrisome with a low level of workover activity because it indicates deferral of maintenance. When operators are in a weak cash position workovers are delayed as long as possible.
 
Technology and market force
The flat earth economists tell us that if we want more oil, all we have to do is drill more wells. They believe that improving technology and higher oil price can increase oil supply. This is only true to a certain extent. No one disputes the huge technological advances of the industry. But, what has been the impact? In Exploration, it shows better both where oil is - and where it is not- thus allowing better estimates of the potential to be made. In Production, it keeps production rate higher for longer, but has little impact on the reserves themselves. Note that much of the oil in a reservoir cannot be extracted because it is held there by capillary forces and natural constrictions. The percentage recovered can be improved in some cases, but by no means all cases. Most modern fields are produced to maximum efficiency from the outset. It is important to know the endowment in nature. Oil is natural resource that supply will come to the end one day. Now, we have produced almost half what is there, and we have found about 90 percent. We produce 22 Gb a year but find only 6 Gb. That is to say, we find one for every four we consume from our inheritance of past discovery. The current depletion rate is about 2 % a year.
 
Facing the future
The world now faces two-phased crisis. The first is a price shock from the ever-greater dependence on the Middle East. The second comes around 2010 with the onset of long-term shortage. In short-term, crude price may have some pressure according to world economic depression and falling demand on oil. Nevertheless, it will be rising in long-term. Now, OPEC targets the price at $25 per barrel. Now we find one for every four we consume from our inheritance of past discovery. With this high depletion rate, will oil price still be $25 per barrel when oil supply become lesser and lesser and dependence on the Middle East become greater and greater? The answer is NO. Oil price must be on a long-term rising trend.
 
 
Carmen Wong (B.Fin HKU)
2002-1-15

民主缺點和經濟

香港人口集中,很容易引發潮流。現在潮流興民主,民主有否決點﹖很少人去探討。事實上,凡事有優點必有缺點,如特效藥可以醫風濕,卻有脫髮副作用。民主的優點,天天有人高談闊論,缺點在哪裹呢﹖很少人去發表意見。因為不想對抗潮流,以求明哲保身。
民主對經濟的影響如何﹖我們可以看看以下的實例—
新加坡是家長式的制度,不准遊行示威,民主程度如何,香港人十分清楚。香港人仍然爭著去移民,因為該國薪金比香港高。菲律賓總統也是由一人一票推選產生的,但港人不見得視之為理想居留地。反而菲人大學生都來沒有民主的香港當女傭。他們都並不是為民主,只為好生活。
美國及日本選總統﹐首相,先選幾個人出來,讓人民選其中一個,已稱為民主。最民主應該是阿根廷,由貝隆(工人領袖當選總統)開始,一人一票選舉,應該是民主的國家,但由該總統開始,工人獲得大幅加薪。幾年後,該國通脹大增,資本家減退,人民生活艱苦。最後,選他的人民要他下台。
因為一人一票,所以﹁全民加薪﹂的承諾,是爭取選票的良方。 後的總統阿方辛(Alonsun),也用此良方當選。自此經濟危機更甚。最後,他也被迫提早五個月下台。期後的總統曼南(Menem),在一九八九年七月七日上任前一天,食品價格一天內上漲二倍。阿根廷通脹率一個月內達百分之一百一十四點五。一年內幣值貶了百分之四百。十年貶值更驚人。十年前二萬元可買一所房子,現在只可買一條領呔。
所有一人一票選出來的總統推行的政策,離不開------
一、全民加薪
二、向低收入階層提供補助
三、向低消費者階層給予優惠
四、向消費大戶(主要是商人) 提高稅收 
民主的阿根廷經濟敗落,引發嚴重貪污。
民主固有其優點,也有其缺點,一人一票選出來的也不一定是最理想的領袖。
 
民主不等于生活改善
中國大陸沒有民主,近十年來,國民生活在改善。一人一票的國家鄰近有印度、菲律賓等,歷史證明民主不等於生活改善。   
 
至於說,沒有民主,將來的基本法就不能有效。這很難說,將來如何,尚未來臨,將來中共是否守法,只能猜測。不過,從前中共守法,卻有先例﹔話說六十年代時,中共一艘輪船,在公海下沉,瑞典船救了她。事後瑞典要求中共付回一筆開支,中共說與她無關,瑞典於是告到國際仲裁處(在維也納) 。中共才了解到這是國際法----遇難船隻要賠償拯救船隻的損失。中共立即支付全部費用,不打官司依法辦事。從以上的先例,我相信中共對自己有份訂立的基本法,是會遵守的。
 
對港經濟前景樂觀
中國無論誰當政,都會實行開放政策,已不再模仿蘇聯的共產主義方式搞經濟,已是事實。中國經濟改革政策是在一九八四年十月定下。趙紫陽(當時任總理)是依此文件去做。現在李鵬也要依此文件辦事。只是一個放膽些,一個保守些而已。
中國的經濟改革,加上沒有民主,沒有工會組織,她未來經濟增長,可以比西方國家更快。中國地方資源豐富,加上十一億的人口,凡是商人都有興趣去做生意。
況且,每一個經濟強國,都必定有一個金融城市。例如美國有紐約,英國有倫敦,日本有東京,中國就會/有個香港。所以我對香港的經濟前景是樂觀的。
 
(徐潤民) 1993年10月17日 刊于 信報